The Lede

Africa Insights: UK-Rwanda Deal Still Falls Short

The plight of illegal immigrants seeking asylum in the United Kingdom remains uncertain following Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s latest legislation, which aims to send them to Rwanda to process their applications. Former Prime Minister Boris Johnson set the U.K.-Rwanda deal in motion in April 2022, with the intention of deterring immigrants from crossing the Channel in small boats or inflatable dinghies. The plan has been contested by several human rights organizations, with both the U.K. Appeals Court and Supreme Court deeming it unlawful. Sunak’s bill comes a month after the Supreme Court ruled that Rwanda is not a safe third country. The bill aims to overrule domestic and international court rulings that would block the deportation of asylum-seekers. “There’s something distasteful about this, it’s morally repugnant. It also means Britain would be in danger of violating the refugee convention in all sorts of international agreements,” British Journalist Michela Wrong tells New Lines’ Kwangu Liwewe. In response to the Supreme Court ruling, the Rwandan government has maintained that they are offering a home and safety to the asylum-seekers. However, opinions on Rwanda’s safety vary depending on who is asked. “Currently, Rwanda is a very unstable country involved in wars in Congo, and you pick people from the U.K. and you take them to Rwanda by force. These people are not going to Rwanda out of their own accord,” Rwanda’s former head of intelligence, Kayumba Nyamwasa, tells New Lines. More than 240 million pounds ($304 million) has so far been paid to the Rwandan government toward the deal, although so far no one has been deported to Kigali. “Since none of them have actually moved to Kigali or flown there, why has all that money already been transferred and why has it already been spent is really a mystery,” says Nyamwasa.

Investigating the State — with ‘Kunle Adebajo, Lynzy Billing, Amie Ferris-Rotman and Erin Clare Brown

This fall, New Lines published a series of investigations digging into government cover-ups and abuses of power around the world. This week, The Lede goes behind the scenes of two of these investigations — one in Afghanistan and one in Nigeria — and shows the difference journalism can make in people’s lives.
“It kind of came into my head years ago, really, when I went back to Afghanistan in 2019,” journalist Lynzy Billing tells New Lines magazine’s Amie Ferris-Rotman. Large numbers of American service personnel had been diagnosed with health problems caused by the improper disposal of toxic waste on military bases. Nobody seemed to be asking an obvious question: What about the local people?
“You could visibly see the pollutants and the waste that these bases were producing,” Billing explains. “You could see all of this waste coming out in trucks every day. You could see the smoke from the burn pits.”
Billing used freedom of information requests to find out more about the kinds of contaminants that had come from the bases. At the same time, she began to visit local people who had lived near the bases during the American occupation. “I started to see the same health problems that you see U.S. service members coming down with, after they've returned from deployment,” she says. “You would have whole families that have the same health problems — kidney problems, heart problems, gastrointestinal problems, skin ailments.”
Since the Americans left, however, any real accountability seems a distant prospect. “All of this is happening because it was just allowed to happen, right?” Billing says. “There really is nothing that the U.S. has to do to clean it up. So for me, it was very clear from the very beginning that we needed to tell these stories.”
On another continent, Nigerian journalist ‘Kunle Adebajo heads the investigations desk at HumAngle. “I started reporting on the Boko Haram crisis in 2020,” he tells New Lines magazine’s Erin Clare Brown. “And so I've done lots of stories in the past about how people have been victimized by this crisis. But when I started reporting about missing people, I realized that it was a different ballgame entirely.”
Nigeria’s war against Boko Haram, an insurgent group affiliated with Islamic State, left tens of thousands of people missing. State forces treated the local civilian populations brutally, with mass arrests and extrajudicial killings rife. But these abuses went mostly unrecorded. “People could not confirm the status and whereabouts of people who were arrested,” Adebajo says. “And that means even if your family member is dead, there's no way for you to know for certain.”
In collaboration with New Lines, Adebajo and his team set out to investigate. Combining local reports with satellite data, they were able to uncover a number of mass graves left by the Nigerian army. The army didn’t respond directly to their request for comment, he says, but just weeks afterward, some of the families began to get phone calls from their missing loved ones. They’d been held in detention for years without contact with the outside world, but because of the increased scrutiny from the investigation, the government was finally allowing them to contact their relatives.
“Hundreds of people had received phone calls,” Adebajo says. “The estimate at the time was about 200. And the calls kept coming in.”
Produced by Erin Clare Brown and Joshua Martin

Arabesque Reimagined — with Rayyane Tabet and Rasha Elass

“I grew up in a time where history in a way was taught primarily in the aftermath of the Second World War,” Lebanese sculptor Rayanne Tabet tells New Lines magazine’s Rasha Elass. “But I became convinced that our contemporary condition is really led by these moments in the 19th century, where language around the creation of nations, language around cultural property, language around history, really developed.”
 
Such big ideas are the inspiration for Tabet’s art, and his 2020 ‘Arabesque’ exhibition, shown all around the world, is no different. The term “Arabesque,” he explains, “comes from the Italian called Arabesco, which means ‘in the Arab style” but also extended to describe things that were foreign. So a shape that one could not understand or a movement that went beyond the standard form or even a sound that sounded maybe different.”
The expedition features fragments from 19th-century Orientalist manuscripts, cut out from their original contexts and rearranged into something new — “to deconstruct it and in a way to appropriate it, right?” Tabet says. “Confronting this past, not by negating it or destroying it, but by using the very tools it developed to figure out a way to reimagine it.”
It’s a recurring theme in Tabet’s art, which explores the nooks and crannies where history, politics, architecture and aesthetics intersect. “I think that within the tools that we have at our disposal or can help us challenge the very system that has created these tools,” he says.
 
For instance, the aesthetics of modernity — “clean, white, without ornament, without any decoration,” as he puts it. That style, he says, “came hand in hand with political doctrines that introduced this idea that modernity means the erasure of our own indigenous styles.”
 
“That has always been at the center of my work,” he reflects. “Trying to come to terms with the beauty, the elegance, but also the tragedy and the violence at the center of the creative process.”
 
Produced Joshua Martin

Africa Insights: South Africa’s Striking Divide

Africa Insights is a podcast special from New Lines magazine exploring Africa's unique stories from an African perspective.The ongoing conflict between Israel and Palestine continues to send reverberations across the globe. In Africa, South Africa stands out as the leading voice, strongly supporting Palestine despite facing criticism from factions in its own Jewish community, opposition parties and faith-based parties.
 
Historically, South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) has been a longtime supporter of the Palestinian cause, often likening it to the apartheid era, which was a system of institutionalized racial segregation and discrimination against the black majority and other nonwhite ethnic groups in South Africa.
 
The Israel-Palestine conflict has further split an already divided country still grappling with racial and ideological divisions.
 
“We can’t just look at Palestine and Israel without an appreciation of the South African context. So, when Jewish members of the synagogues which are largely if not exclusively white filter their hegemonic presence of a Zionist state in Israel, they filter this through their white consciousness,” the Rev. Michael Weeder, dean at St. George's Cathedral in Cape Town, tells New Lines’ Kwangu Liwewe.
 
The Jewish community in South Africa, which to a large extent supported the anti-apartheid movement, is divided over the conflict, with some reflecting on what the struggle in South Africa was able to achieve for minority groups.
 
“The community is extremely split. There probably is some understanding in the broader Jewish community that South Africa was able to address the issue of African majority and cede power and become a democracy,” says Jonathan Shapiro, a South African political cartoonist.
 
On the political front, the ANC-led government’s stance has been criticized for its tepid response to the Oct. 7 attacks. Ten days after the attack, South Africa’s Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor held a call with Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, which ignited fury among supporters of Israel within the country.
 
“From the ANC government there’s been sort of a fairly lukewarm condemnation of Hamas,” Shapiro says. The biggest difficulty amongst progressive and more radical Jews is how to approach what Hamas did on Oct. 7. There are Jews who won’t sign certain petitions, who won’t take a position as strongly opposed to what Israel is doing because they feel that there's too little condemnation.”
 

Minor Detail, Major Implications — with Salma Dabbagh, Judith Gurewich, Katharine Halls and Lydia Wilson

The Frankfurt Book Fair is the world’s largest trade fair for books, though it rarely makes headlines outside of publishing trade gazettes. This year was different. Palestinian author Adania Shibli had been announced as the winner of Litprom’s 2023 LiBeraturpreis literature award for her 2020 novel “Minor Detail.” But after the Oct. 7 attacks, Litprom, which is funded in part by the German government, decided to cancel the award ceremony. 
 
“Given the context of what was happening to Palestinians at the time, it felt really cruel that there couldn't even be, on some level, something to celebrate,” British-Palestinian author Salma Dabbagh tells New Lines magazine’s Lydia Wilson. “But to say one is shocked almost feels naive because there's a history here.”
 
Dabbagh cites the example of Caryl Churchill, a playwright who had been due to receive the lifetime achievement award at the 2022 European Drama awards in Stuttgart. Shortly after the announcement, the award was rescinded on the basis of her support for the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel. Since the attacks, Palestinians and others with Middle Eastern backgrounds have been treated with suspicion across the world, but that demonization has been particularly pronounced in Germany. Katharine Halls, a British Arabic-English translator who represents a number of Germany- and Berlin-based authors, says Shibli is far from the only author to feel the chilling effects.
 
“Book launches, conferences, prize-giving ceremonies — they're seeing them canceled,” she says. “Meanwhile, there is a very, very real threat of far-right activism and indeed violence, which seems to be going unchecked.”
 
Halls had been invited by Litprom to host a panel on Arabic literature at the Frankfurt Fair but dropped out after learning of their decision to cancel Shibli’s ceremony. Publisher Judith Gurewich had also been asked to speak, but though she too was appalled by the decision, she says the decision to drop out never crossed her mind. 
 
“I felt that it was very important to somehow take a stand, as a Jewish publisher in Germany,” she says.  “You have to be a little bit thoughtful about what you're doing, when you don't even acknowledge your own history and what you've done with this history.”

The Emotional Fog of War — with Arwa Damon and Faisal Al Yafai

“In my 20 years of covering war, I came to this realization that at the core of almost every single decision that is made — whether it’s by an individual or by a government or by a soldier — is emotion,” says veteran international correspondent Arwa Damon. And in a conflict as steeped in trauma as the current war in Gaza, she tells New Lines magazine’s Faisal Al Yafai, the intensity of emotion clouds judgements, hardens attitudes and distorts decision-making, with devastating consequences. 
“Fear is one of the biggest drivers that allows the military machine and the politicians behind it to justify what their military machine is doing,” she says. 
But emotions aren’t only running high within Israel and Palestine. The Hamas attacks and subsequent invasion of Gaza have divided global opinion like no other conflict in recent memory. With both parties reliant on international political support, the battle for hearts and minds will be one of the most decisive fronts in the war. “This is in so many ways not just a physical war,” says Damon. “This is a war of disinformation, misinformation, manipulation, the scale of which has surpassed post-9/11, and I never thought I would see that.”
In previous conflicts where disinformation has played such a major role, the finger usually points straight to social media. But for all the antisemitism, Islamophobia and genocidal rhetoric metastasizing online, Damon adds that the picture this time around is more nuanced. “Social media is allowing a Western audience to see and feel the Palestinian narrative in ways that are not controlled by the Western media. Before social media, the press was really the only window into the Palestinian narrative that a Western audience had.”
Rather than blaming TikTok or X (formerly Twitter), Damon suggests that the press might want to start by looking inwards. “The Western media doesn’t question what Western officials say strongly enough,” she says. “And I think that really makes it that much more painful, especially for the Palestinian population. They know that their death is being broadcast. And that, in theory, it could be stopped.”
But even amid the doubt created by the unprecedented barrage of distortion coming from every angle, Damon still thinks that journalists need not keep fumbling around in the dark. 
“You bring it back to something undeniable,” she says. “You boil it down to what's in front of you. And that is what you then focus the story on. Because we also need to be fully cognizant — we are getting played by every single side at all times.”
Produced by Joshua Martin

The Killings Return to Darfur — with Niemat Ahmadi, Gerrit Kurtz and Kwangu Liwewe

The war in Sudan, between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) controlled by Mohamad Hamdan Dagalo and the Sudanese Armed Forces led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, has killed thousands of civilians and displaced millions. The two men were formerly partners, leading Sudan’s military junta before Dagalo’s ambitions created a rift between them that has torn the country in two. 
 
But for the people of Darfur, a predominantly Black African region in Sudan’s arid west, the catastrophe has been particularly pronounced. Under Dagalo and Burhan’s predecessor, Omar al-Bashir, Arab supremacist Janjaweed militias terrorized the area for years, torturing and murdering countless civilians in a genocidal campaign aimed at wiping out the non-Arab population. In the intervening years, Dagalo turned those militias into the RSF, his own private paramilitary army — and since the outbreak of war in 2022, they have once more been unleashed upon Darfur to finish what they started.
 
“This time around is even worse than 20 years ago,” Niemat Ahmadi, founder and president of the Darfur Women Action Group, tells New Lines magazine’s Kwangu Liwewe.  “Now they have grown into more sophisticated militia, with training, equipment and international enablers supplying them with weapons and money.”
 
They are a specter that has loomed over the region for decades. Though the international community did eventually declare the Janjaweed campaign a genocide, and al-Bashir was indicted by the International Criminal Court, the RSF only grew in influence while al-Bashir was never handed over for trial. “People who have been displaced 20 years ago have never been able to go home because their attackers have yet to be held accountable,” Ahmadi says.  
 
Even today, the army has done little to protect people, she adds. Earlier this year, the RSF carried out the worst massacre of the war in front of them, murdering and torturing hundreds of civilians in El Geneina. “They didn't move.”
“This is actually a pattern,” says Gerrit Kurtz, a researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. When Dagalo and Burhan governed together, he explains, it was common for the regular armed forces to stand by without intervening while RSF fighters committed atrocities. Moreover, he points out, now they are at war, Dagalo’s forces are winning. 
 
“The RSF already controls most of Darfur,” he says. “They've captured the state capitals of  three states in Darfur. And they were already in control of the east.”
 
In the absence of anywhere else to turn, some have looked to the international community for help. They have received little. “International actors are overwhelmed,” Kurtz says. “They are not united, and they are not mobilizing sufficient efforts to actually reign in this kind of horrific violence.” 
“And what is most painful,” says Ahmadi, “is that it seems like this does not mobilize or generate outrage as it used to.”

Prisoners of the Gaza War — with Sharone Lifschitz, Noga Tarnopolsky and Muzna Shihabi

“On the 7th of October I was on my way to a day out in the north of England with my family  when I opened a news feed and found out that things are kicking off between Israel and Gaza,” Sharone Lifschitz tells New Lines magazine’s Joshua Martin. “My parents live about a mile from Gaza. I called my mom, and she didn't answer.”
 
By the evening, it had become clear that her parents were among the hostages kidnapped by Hamas. Her mother, Yochaved Lifschitz, was freed 16 days after the attacks, and images of her handshake with her former captor flashed around the world. Her father, Oded, remains in Hamas captivity. “So we are continuing to speak to whoever would listen in government and in media and try to advocate for their return.”
 
With over 200 hostages still in captivity in Gaza, it’s a nightmare she is far from alone in experiencing. “There's not one family who has not been affected,” she says. And yet many of those affected say that the Israeli government has all but abandoned them.
 
“The truth is that not only has the government not been forthcoming with them, but it's not clear what the government is doing, if anything, to get these hostages back,” says Noga Tarnopolsky, an Israeli journalist based in Jerusalem. “And so these families feel forsaken and abandoned.”
 
In the face of such apparent official indifference to their plight, some of the families have advocated for a bold proposal: everyone for everyone. In other words, release all of the Palestinians in Israeli detention — a number that has grown dramatically since the war began — in exchange for the hostages. “I am for everything that works,” Lifschitz says.
 
Tarnopolsky is more skeptical. “The offer has never been made in any way by Hamas,” she says. “I think that if this were a real offer, I think that the clamor for it would be so intense that the government would at least have to consider it.”
 
But such a prisoner swap remains the only real hope in the eyes of many of the families, who continue to push for it in the face of apparent government indifference. It may also be the only hope for some Palestinian detainees, many of whom are held without charge — and, according to civil rights groups, face serious human rights abuses in prison. 
 
Since Oct. 7, Muzna Shihabi, a former adviser to the PLO negotiation team says, “according to Palestinian officials, the number has doubled.” Many, she says, report that their treatment has become even more severe over the past month.
 
But as long as Israel and Hamas remain as unwilling to negotiate as they currently seem to be, their plight — like those of the Israeli, Thai and other nationals held in Gaza — is unlikely to end anytime soon.
 
Produced by Joshua Martin

Lebanon’s Trauma and the Myth of Resilience — with Dalal Mawad and Rasha Elass

On Aug. 4, 2020, Dalal Mawad was preparing to feed her cat when hundreds of tons of ammonium nitrate, left forgotten at Beirut’s busy port, exploded. The blast ripped through the Lebanese capital, killing hundreds and injuring thousands. It was one of the most powerful non-nuclear explosions in human history, the result not of war but of corruption. Yet, to date, no one has been held accountable.
 
In the aftermath, Mawad began work on her recently published book about the port blast, “All She Lost: the Explosion in Lebanon, the Collapse of a Nation and the Women Who Survive.” But when she set out to interview dozens of women about the distress they endured that day, she discovered that just like the fertilizer at the port, her country’s trauma had also been forgotten. 
 
“I thought, this is a history book,” she tells New Lines magazine’s Rasha Elass. “It's not just a book about the explosion. It's also about Lebanon's unprecedented collapse.”
 
Before the Beirut explosion, the country’s banking sector had collapsed, leaving countless citizens locked out of their life savings. By that time, Lebanon had spent 12 years enduring the shockwaves of the Syrian Civil War, all while the scars of its own civil war remain open and raw. “The Lebanese today, their life is a life of survival. They spend their days fighting for their basic rights,” Mawad says. “I felt like I owed it to myself and to the Lebanese to tell these stories.”
 
“Lebanese resilience” is often claimed as a mark of pride, but Mawad firmly rejects the notion.  “This to me is not resilience. It's trauma on top of trauma,” she says. “They haven't found justice. They haven’t found peace. And I think convincing ourselves that we are resilient is actually counterproductive.”
 
And now, as yet another war rages in the region, the Lebanese people are bracing themselves once more, hoping their country will not become a casualty yet again.

The Day After Hamas — with Gilbert Achcar and Faisal Al Yafai

In retaliation for the brutal Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, Israel has been bombarding Gaza for three weeks now, displacing more than 1 million Palestinians and killing thousands of civilians. Israeli forces have made localized raids into the area but have not yet launched the full ground invasion that officials say is planned. 
 
“The military plans can be drawn now. Will they be able to implement them? That's a big question mark,” says Gilbert Achcar, professor of development studies and international relations at SOAS, University of London.
 
In a recent essay published by New Lines, however, Achcar turned his attention to the other big question. Assuming Israel is able to oust Hamas, he tells New Lines’ Faisal Al Yafai, “the next question is what are we going to do with that?”
 
Achcar outlines two main scenarios for the day after Hamas. The first, which he calls the “Oslo” option, is the one preferred by the United States. This would involve handing control of Gaza to the Fatah government that rules in the West Bank. 
 
“They want the Israeli army to eradicate Hamas in Gaza and put the Palestinian Authority in control of the strip,” he explains. 
 
It would be a very difficult needle to thread. Not only has Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas refused to take part in such a scheme, but any Palestinian leader who did would be unlikely to last long in power if it was imposed at the barrel of a gun.
 
The other likely political course, Achcar suggests, is what he calls the “Greater Israel” option. In that scenario, Israel takes over Gaza — and stays there.
 
“And this is the view on the far right,” he says. “October 7 was, for them, an opportunity.”
 
But such an action might be even more of a pipe dream than the “Oslo” option. Occupying Gaza over the long term would stretch the IDF to capacity at the very least, and U.S. President Biden has already ruled out American support for such a scheme. 
 
A military strategy is one thing. But finding a political strategy for the day after Hamas will prove much trickier.
 
Produced by Joshua Martin